1. Our Shared Riga
Early in this century, I stayed alone in a small hotel in a side street of Riga’s old town. It was winter, I seemed to be the only guest and at the reception desk an unsmiling youngish woman quickly slid a key across to me as if fearing contamination.
The Latvian capital had been freed from the Soviet Union about ten years before but was not yet a self-proclaimed ‘hipster’ destination so my small room was quiet as a sepulchre that night, the only slight disturbance to my sleep being a huge wooden cupboard which loomed darkly at the end of the bed. The next morning, I came down early to find the same person, waiting now in the breakfast room. ‘Kaffee?’ The syllables cracked sharply: two shots.
She assumed I was German, like most tourists then: some from families who’d lived here before 1939. When I asked her about herself, the answers came fast, again fired bullets. Shall we see, they seemed to say, how few words we can use in this tedious conversation? She lived outside Riga, took the bus in, the hotel was owned by a Latvian businessman: yes, she said, it’s OK here – and was obviously anxious to disengage from me as fast as possible. Perhaps she saw her probably badly paid job looking after rich, inquisitive tourists as a disappointing version of post-Soviet freedom. Then she stared straight into my face, as if taking aim: please, when was I leaving?
For centuries here, they must have wanted others to leave. I imagined her life and the good luck she’d had in missing so much; perhaps she was ten years old when the Soviets left and had heard stories about 1939 when they’d last taken Latvia’s independence. Various powers had surged into her homeland. In the thirteenth century came the crusading Knights to conquer the eastern Baltic for Christianity: then the medieval Polish-Lithuanian empire: then Sweden: then, from the early eighteenth century until the First World War, imperial Russia. One group, however, had kept control: a foreign, colonizing class that followed the conquering Knights: some Swedes, a few Russians and, increasingly the most significant, the Germans, now evoked in those two bullet-like syllables ‘Kaffee’.
Riga’s old city – its Lutheran cathedral with memorials to German bishops, its brick churches, spires, towers, merchants’ houses, bust of the philosopher Herder, offices of former guilds, the Teutonic Knights’ castle, those smart suburbs that could be in Hamburg – still feels defiantly German, on Europe’s eastern frontier. Riga has been a harbour since at least the second century BC. But it was in the thirteenth century that its life as a Western city began when a German bishop, Albert von Buxhövden, came with a crusade.
The Germans were in control for more than seven hundred years yet these lands were never a German colony; the German Empire, after all, was not founded until 1871. It was an extraordinary exercise in survival, involving such essentially German entities as the Hanseatic League and Lutheran Protestantism and endured under different empires – Polish-Lithuanian, Swedish and then, after Sweden’s defeat by Peter the Great in 1709, within Russia’s most western frontier.
Was this where Germany and Russia, the two arbiters of twentieth-century Europe, had come closest to each other? I couldn’t get this place, and what had happened to certain people here, out of my mind. It became an obsession, filling me with awe, throwing into relief the comparative freedom and lack of recent bloodletting in my own homeland at the other end of Europe.
But when was this place free? Had it been centuries ago in a pre-Christian Baltic world whose people wandered through forests or on shores open to western traders in furs and amber?
From the Middle Ages until 1914, Latvians and Estonians were subject peoples, as shown by the ‘epitaph coats of arms’ or shields – huge trophy-like wooden memorials in cathedrals, museums and churches. Commemorating the dominant German and Swedish families (usually clubbed together as ‘the Baltic Germans’), they’re exquisitely carved with emblems, heraldic symbols, scrolls, sheaves of wheat or corn, flowers, angels’ wings and military motifs of cannon barrels, banners, lances, halberds, swords, pistols and trumpets: the work mostly of German craftsmen. Faith and courage, land and battle: this nobility, although blessed by God, had to be warriors, ready to serve the Swedish king, then the Russian emperor.
Memorial or ‘Epitaph’ Shields in Tallinn’s Lutheran cathedral.
Coated with lustre paint, the shields glow even in the palest northern light. Tallinn Cathedral has a fine collection, high on its walls, above any congregation: restored in the 1990s as a gift from the German government. The arms are of the families that had once owned this land, its villages, towns and cities: Pahlen, Manteuffel, Benckendorff, Fersen, Fock, Keyserling, Strandmann, Kursell, Lieven, Stackelberg, Taube, Tiesenhausen, Ungern-Sternberg, Wrangel.
The Mentzendorff House, a museum in Riga, shows the massive influence of German trade and culture. A place of wide rooms, eighteenth-century pastoral murals, painted ceilings and heavy dark furniture, this large town house was until 1939 owned by August Mentzendorff, from the family that made the famous Kümmel, an aniseed and caraway flavoured liqueur, viscous and sweet, said to cure flatulence. One room on an upper floor is laid out as a memorial to Mentzendorff’s grandson, Dietrich André Loeber.
Latvians and Estonians may at times have hated the Baltic Germans but Loeber, born in 1923, was honoured in Latvia, as photographs show. His parents were from families that had lived in the eastern Baltic for centuries: the father an academic, the mother a Mentzendorff. In 1918, unlike many Baltic Germans, threatened by nationalist hostility when Latvia began its first period of independence, the Loebers stayed, optimistic that the new democratic constitution protected minorities – Jews, Baltic Germans, Russians. This reborn country might be a fine example of tolerance after the bloodshed that had been unleashed by the Great Powers in 1914.
Dietrich Loeber’s life shows how these hopes collapsed. A brilliant student at the German gymnasium (or secondary school) in Riga, he left Latvia with his family in 1939, just before the Soviet invasion, to go to Posen (Poznań) in a Poland overrun by Hitler’s Germany. Conscripted into the German army, Loeber survived the fighting on the eastern front (finally in Latvia) to study law in the new Germany and become an international lawyer and academic in Munich, Hamburg, Kiel, Australia, Moscow (where he taught in the 1960s) and the American universities of Harvard, Stanford and Columbia.
Dietrich Loeber did research into what lay behind the recent grim history of the Baltic States: the mass departure of the Germans in 1939 (‘called home’ to the Reich by Hitler), the secret clause of the Molotov–Ribbentrop pact of 1939 which let Stalin take Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, then the post-1945 Soviet occupation. Trilingual from childhood in German, Russian and Latvian, Loeber had one of the high points of his life in September 1988, when at a gathering in Tallinn (still then within the Soviet Union), he and others released the previously secret details of the infamous 1939 pact found in the Soviet archives.
After Latvia became independent again at the start of the 1990s, Loeber advised on the country’s new legal system. Post-Soviet Riga, he and others hoped, might regain its pre-war reputation as the Baltic Paris, a bright city of culture and variety: Latvian and cosmopolitan, reflecting its German, Polish, Jewish and Russian past. In 2001 Dietrich Loeber was involved in the publication of the commemorative book 800 years – Our Shared Riga and celebrated his eightieth birthday in Riga in the flat that he and his wife made at the top of the Mentzendorff House. He died a year later. In a tribute a friend, also a Baltic German and an academic, wrote of Loeber’s hope that these new countries could ‘finally’ rebuild ‘their own culture’ and no longer be what an Estonian writer has called ‘a people without a past’.
The eastern Baltic was made and destroyed and remade over centuries while Poles, Lithuanians, Germans, Russians, Scandinavians, Estonians and Latvians built frontiers, glass walls that divided them yet gave ostensibly clear views. The landscape is strewn with evidence of conquest, violence, beauty and survival. Faith has been here, as have war and the claim to be bringing civilization to barbarism, to what Erasmus called the ‘barbarian Russians’. But what was civilization? These Baltic lives show how terrifying some versions of it could be.
2. Pearl of the East
In February 1837, a German visitor saw the British grandee Lord Londonderry at an inn near Narva, the town now on the Russian frontier in north-eastern Estonia. Londonderry was on his way back from Russia with his wife, son and tutor and had ordered that no one near him in the inn should be allowed to smoke. He didn’t speak during an evening meal after which his family went meekly to bed, the morose Englishman sitting alone in silence, watched by the German.
What was Narva to Lord Londonderry? It probably seemed a mere staging post, a place useful only for indulging his moods. Lady Londonderry describes their winter journey by sleigh through what she called ‘Russian Finland’, an area that had ‘belonged to the Swedes and was conquered by Peter the Great’, through Narva (‘a fortified town very picturesquely situated’), writing how the roads improved into a hard, icy track with scarcely a bump to the sound of bells hung on the horses’ harness to frighten bears and wolves. In Riga, her maid fell ill with pleurisy, caught in the Russian winter. Lady Londonderry engaged another one, leaving the sick woman in the ‘dismal and dirty’ city to die.
The Englishwoman noticed that costume changed in these most western parts of the Russian empire from the Russian peasant’s long robes and bright sashes and gloves to the ‘German horn, leather and jackboots’. The cottages reminded her of ‘Irish cabins’ (the Londonderrys had estates in northern Ireland) and ‘though the people are tolerably clothed there is an appearance of dirt and misery about them’. By crossing the river at Narva, as the German clothes revealed, she’d entered Western Europe.
Some hundred and ninety years on, to show that these countries are at the vital edge of the West, NATO manoeuvres are going on across the Baltic, with warplanes in the skies and some thirteen thousand men on the ground. I arrive too late for a parade of Polish and British troops in Narva, where two castles are on opposite banks of the river that divides the world: an Estonian fortress, built in the thirteenth century by Danish invaders, and across the water, the fifteenth-century Russian Ivangorod, called after the Emperor Ivan, a name synonymous with terror.
A 1914 German guidebook praises Narva; then there was no frontier, for the Baltic States were provinces of imperial Russia. It was Hitler and Stalin who destroyed this town, once a ‘baroque pearl’ of merchants’ houses, sedate streets, neat squares, the Kreenholm textile works started by a German baron and a huge Lutheran church built to keep his Estonian workers within Western Christianity.
Photographs taken in 1939 show Estonian troops lined up in the square, about to be overwhelmed yet again by invasion; then, in 1945, people stare at rubble before Narva’s new Soviet rulers start to rebuild. It could be a symbolic place, like Verdun or Waterloo or Gettysburg or Ypres: not just ‘our Narva’, as an Estonian says, for around here are centuries of dead Estonians, Germans, Russians, Jews, Finns, Swedes.
You can see old Narva in a papier-mâché model made by Fedor, a Russian who works in a room he’s been given in the restored town hall, built in the seventeenth century during the Swedish time. Before the Second World War there were sixteen churches in Narva, all shown in miniature on the model, and now only seven (more than during the Soviet times). Fedor poses to let me photograph him, his boredom clear behind a tired smile.
I’m with Jevgeni, a young Russian. Fedor and he speak fast to each other, looking at me before machine-gun bursts of laughter; in front of us are the tiny white shapes of the old city but it’s Jevgeni who shows Narva’s crossroads most clearly; his father is a Russian citizen and his mother (also Russian) has an Estonian passport, part of the influx of Russians sent to the Baltic States after 1945 by Stalin. The father scarcely speaks Estonian although he’s been in Narva since he was two weeks old.
In 1944, Narva had been defended for six months by the Germans against the Red Army’s onslaught. Its capture in July was welcomed by the Allies, reports telling how the Russians attacked through a swamp on the river’s edge, surging forward to the sounds of the Soviet anthem broadcast over the battle ground, forcing the German garrison out and hoisting the flag at dawn over Narva. They found a wrecked city, bodies in the streets or behind broken walls, a silence left by fleeing civilians. What happened in Narva, with Estonian troops fighting alongside Russians, was depicted by the Soviets as civilization restored.
Jevgeni gives me some statistics: 86 per cent of the inhabitants of Narva are now Russian: of these, 40 per cent have Estonian citizenship. To get this citizenship you must pass a language test. Some hate this, finding Estonian as hard to learn as I do. So why not go back to Russia? But life is worse there: the opportunities fewer. You see this across the border in Ivangorod as, beyond the dark castle, there’s a falling off with badly stocked shops, cafés like canteens, old women sitting behind pyramids of scarred apples that they’re trying to sell. Very few people have taken up a ‘Come Back to Russia’ programme offered by the Russian government, not tempted by flats in the grim Baltic city of Kaliningrad. This reluctance to leave doesn’t stop the Narva Russians complaining. What are they? Where do they belong? Until 1991, they were dominant in what was part of Russia, or the Soviet Union.
In a courtyard of Narva’s Estonian (or Danish) castle, Tanel Mazur, a teacher, sets up a replica of a medieval apothecary’s shop in preparation for a jousting display. Tanel speaks about the Russian threat but I don’t sense anxiety in this tall bearded man with hair tied up in a neat ponytail who dances with his pupils and takes them on coach trips to St Petersburg.
To reach Tanel, I’d walked through another courtyard where the only full-length statue of Lenin that survives in Estonia has been put out of the way, its outstretched arm now pointing to some dustbins. Lenin isn’t for the tourists. It’s thought that what they want are jousting knights and wenches serving beer: not reminders of the Soviet times. In July, there’s a bikers’ festival, roaring engines filling the town; then in August the re-enactment of the 1700 battle when the Swedes beat the Russians.
Tanel won’t let me photograph the half-set-up apothecary’s shop as it’s too much of a mess, a jumble of the herbs such as were used in the seventeenth century and unlabelled bottles of alcoholic liquids based on medieval medicines which he must sort out. He teaches in the only Estonian school in Narva as the rest are Russian. His mother too had been a teacher, a contrast with his ‘vagabond’ father, a barman during the Soviet years who’d lived off tips from drunken bureaucrats.
Tanel speaks of his mother’s Latvian father, who was the captain of a cargo ship that had been nationalized by the Soviets when they took over the Baltic States in 1940. The Germans came in 1941 and the ship’s crew voted to change to the German side, cruising between Germany and Riga as part of the Reich. In 1945, the Soviets invaded again, and this time the ship’s crew volunteered to join the British, the captain abandoning them to go first to Britain and then to the United States, leaving his wife and their daughter (Tanel’s mother). Tanel is an only child, born in the university town of Tartu, raised in Tallinn and going back to Tartu to study history. His mother had hated her husband’s easy ways. They needed safety, stolidity, not (as in her own childhood) a useless, vanishing man.
Estonian children are taught about the centuries of domination by the Baltic Germans, how this had happened after the northern crusades when the warrior monks (or Knights) forced conversion and landlords came from the west, mostly from what’s now Germany, some from Sweden. Tanel tells me that Germans dominate the nation’s memory, that while at Tartu University he’d heard about papers unpacked since their owners had left more than seventy years ago: property deeds, defunct leases, farming and administrative records of the old German power.
Russia? Tanel has many Russian friends who cherish ‘our Estonians’ and don’t feel aggressive towards them or yearn to live in a Russian colony again. It would be different, worse and more combustible, if the numbers were evenly balanced. As Jevgeni had said, these Russians don’t want to be part of Russia. You can visit St Petersburg without a visa if you are an Estonian Russian.
Ivangorod across the frontier.
Tanel laughs at the thought of tanks coming over the frontier, at journalists yearning to compare the Baltic States to Crimea. Russians here are much better off than they would be in Russia. His school is close to the school in Ivangorod, Tanel knows teachers there and it’s only two hours to St Petersburg by bus where he and his pupils often go. In Narva, marriage between Estonians and Russians is getting more common; the communities are, he feels, slowly joining each other. The Mayor of Narva comes from a mixed family. The head of the city council is an Estonian.
Tanel stops. I could listen to this for hours but he suddenly becomes impatient and waves me away for he must get on with setting up the apothecary’s shop. No, absolutely no photographs – but sometime we must go to a concert together in London. Do I like Emerson, Lake & Palmer? They seem a long way from this Baltic frontier city and bring a stab of homesickness.
* * *
During my visit, it’s Victory Day in the nearby village of Vaivara – not an Estonian but a Russian holiday to remember the Great Patriotic War. Bright May weather clears the landscape, rare Estonian hills rise above the Baltic and the Russian border at Narva, only a few miles away. Across some still bare trees in the distance is a shale-oil works where prisoners from the nearby German concentration camp had worked and died.
On a slope called Grenadier Hill, a tall cross looms over three elderly visitors, a memorial to those who’d once fought against the dead that lie in the huge Russian cemetery about half a mile away. These old people might be remembering what’s been called the ‘Estonian Thermopylae’ when from July until 10 August 1944 a greatly outnumbered German force held off the Red Army. The defending troops were mostly German but also Norwegian, Danish, Belgian, Dutch, Russian, Ukrainian – and Estonian.
Carved arrows sprout like a bunch of random flowers from the centre of the cross on Grenadier Hill. Since independence in 1991, fresh commemorative stones, often vandalized by local Russians, have been added to this monument to the Dutch and Walloon and Estonian SS dead who, on Victory Day, are the defeated enemy.
Further down the valley in the Russian cemetery, Estonian police guide long lines of cars and coaches and crowds pack the narrow road to the graves: quite different to the deserted memorial on Grenadier Hill. People of all ages carry flowers and wreaths, some go to a grave, others to the long Soviet war memorial or to other parts of the cemetery, a few in tears, possibly for sons or fathers more recently killed, in Chechnya or Afghanistan. There are some very old men, often with one or two sticks or on crutches or in wheelchairs, usually in suits or dark jackets, medals cascading across their chests, berets or brimmed hats on their heads. Are they the last veterans, living holy relics?
Today brings back other memories, of the years when Vaivara and Narva were Russian. But old Vaivara, built over centuries of occupation, was destroyed. Before 1939, during Estonia’s first period of independence, the village had been quite prosperous with farming, two churches, employment from the nearby oil refinery and shale works and a manor house that had become an orphanage. Visitors came to the long Baltic beaches at Narva-Jõesuu, within reach of the summer residence of Konstantin Päts, the Estonian Elder or President. In 1944, the Germans moved the population out before the huge battle.
Since then, a new school and houses have been built below the hills and some outbuildings of the manor survive. One of these, an old smithy, has a small museum, packed with old weapons, mortars, shells, steel helmets, photographs, maps, explanatory boards in Estonian, Russian and English, radio sets, a full-length model in what looks like SS uniform of an Estonian who won the Iron Cross. Bullets are strewn inside display cases alongside propaganda leaflets and statistics of what both sides did, particularly the brutality of the Russians whose occupation lasted until the 1990s.
In 1944, Felix Steiner, the German general here, thought that he represented Western civilization. Born in the East Prussian town of Stallupönen, he’d fought in the First World War, winning the Iron Cross, then in Germany and the Baltic States in 1919 for the Freikorps, a volunteer force of German ex-soldiers who took on Russian and German communists. Resentful at the Versailles treaty, he joined the new small German army, then the Nazi Party and then the SS, taking part in 1939 in the invasion of Poland and in 1940 the defeat of France. In 1943 he was moved to the eastern front.
Training was Steiner’s speciality and he believed in making the same demands on officers and men. Under his command were troops from the German-occupied countries of Europe who’d either volunteered or been forcibly recruited. The Germans carefully graded nationalities; quite high on their list were Estonians, thought to be the most Aryan of the three Baltic States and therefore the first to be included in the German forces after Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were occupied in 1941. In August 1942, the Estonian Legion was formed. By November there’d been enough recruits to have infantry and artillery formations. A similar Latvian body came into being at the same time.
In books written after the war Steiner claimed that these Flemings, French, Dutch, Danish, Norwegians, Latvians and Estonians were crusaders, descendants of the earlier Knights, or precursors of the anti-communist, multinational NATO. He must have known – although he scarcely mentions them – about the German atrocities in Poland in 1939 and, after June 1941, in the western part of the Soviet Union. More vital to him, however, was the liberation of Europe from Bolshevism, an international struggle he’d been part of since the end of the First World War.
Copyright © 2021 by Max Egremont
