INTRODUCTION
THE VALKYRIE’S GRAVE
All I have are her bones. I don’t know her name, or precisely where or when she was born. I don’t know how she died, though bones often do betray such secrets. All I have are her bones, now boxed and stored in a museum in Sweden, bones gathered by an archaeologist in 1878 from a grave beside a hillfort overlooking the Viking town of Birka, where she was buried in the mid-tenth century in a spacious, wood-lined pit.
To tell her story, all I have are her bones—and what was unearthed with her: an axe blade, two spearheads, a two-edged sword, a clutch of arrows, their shafts embellished with silver thread, a long sax-knife in a bronze-ringed sheath, iron bosses for two round shields, a short-bladed knife, a whetstone, a set of game pieces (bundled in her lap), a large bronze bowl (much repaired), a comb, a snip of a silver coin, three traders’ weights, two stirrups, two bridles’ bits, and spikes to ride a horse on the ice, along with the bones of two horses, a stallion and a mare. Of her clothing all that remains are an iron cloak pin, a filigreed silver cone, four baubles or buttons of coiled silver wire, strips of silk embroidered with silver, and a scattering of mirrored sequins.
Until 2017, when DNA tests proved the bones were female, this grave, numbered Bj581, was held up as the classic Viking warrior’s grave. “The position of the skeleton,” wrote a Swedish archaeologist in 1966, “gave the impression that he had been sitting in the grave, rather than laid out.… The equipment indicates that this is a warrior’s grave rather than that of a merchant.… The date of a silver coin, found underneath the skeleton of the dead man, provides a fairly good idea of the date of the grave: 913–980 A.D.”
The implications of the “dead man” turning into a dead woman dazzle me. They ignite my imagination. A burial with weapons and horses, an archaeologist claimed as late as 2008, used “a widely recognised symbolic language of lordship, one that was unquestionably masculine.” To assume all such “weapons graves” are male now seems to me to be a mistake—one that has skewed our image of the Viking Age. How does history change if we turn that assumption on its head?
There are other ways to interpret the grave, other ways to explain a female body buried with weapons. But the simplest seems to me the most likely. Defending their findings in 2019, the team that tested her DNA said Bj581 “suggests to us that at least one Viking Age woman adopted a professional warrior lifestyle.” They added, “We would be very surprised if she was alone in the Viking world.”
* * *
A Viking is a raider from the sea. During the Viking Age, roughly 750 to 1050, Europe was plagued by such pirates in their swift dragonships. The Vikings were traders and explorers, too. They were farmers, poets, engineers, artists—but their place in history was carved by their swords. “From the fury of the Northmen, O Lord, deliver us!” wrote a French monk around the year 900. They “ransacked and despoiled, massacred, and burned and ravaged,” wrote another, who witnessed the Viking attack on Paris in 885. In Ireland in the mid-800s, a monk praised the safety of a storm:
Bitter is the wind tonight,
White the tresses of the sea;
I have no fear the Viking hordes
Will sail the seas on such a night.
Archaeology backs up the Vikings’ violent image: Across Northern Europe, from Russia in the east to Iceland in the west, Vikings are found buried with swords. Three thousand Viking swords are known from Norway alone. Assuming all sword-bearers are male, writers limn the Viking Age as hypermasculine: a time when “shiploads of these huge and brawny men would suddenly appear out of the sea mists. They would pillage at will, mercilessly cutting down all opposition.”
Let’s set aside, for a moment, the idea that mercilessness is a masculine trait. How does an archaeologist know a buried Viking is male? The bones found beside the buried swords, if any, are degraded. Sexing them by their robustness or by the shape of the skull or pelvis is often not possible—and is always open to interpretation. There’s no internationally agreed-upon definition of “robust”; there’s no absolute scientific scale for pelvic structure. DNA sexing is difficult and expensive and, so, rarely done. Instead, “sexing by metal” has been standard procedure since 1837, before archaeology as a science even existed. Graves with weapons—even cremation graves in which the bones have been crushed after burning—are catalogued as male; those with jewelry are female. The thirty-some Viking graves in which slender, female-looking bones were unearthed beside weapons are ignored as “noise in the data.”
The result? Historians and novelists write confidently of ships carrying only “huge and brawny men.” Museum designers and filmmakers and Viking reenactors re-create in exquisite detail a male-dominated Viking world. When we hear the word “Viking,” we imagine a well-armed man.
Yet most people who died in the Viking Age were buried with nothing that will sex them. Even the elite, the people whose graves announce their high status, often hide their sexual identity, as if their gender mattered not at all. Half of the elite burials in some Viking graveyards contain neither weapons nor jewelry. Their grave goods, though rich, are horses and boats and knives and tools: things that cannot be gendered.
And now, in Birka grave Bj581, we have a woman buried as a Viking warrior. What does her grave tell us? That we don’t know the Vikings as well as we thought.
* * *
In December 2012, a man using a metal detector near the village of Harby in Denmark found a small face peering up at him from a lump of frozen dirt. His find, cleaned up, was an intricately detailed figurine of gilded silver, about an inch tall, in the shape of a woman with long hair twisted into a ponytail. She carries a sword and shield.
I know of seven flat metal images of a woman with weapons, and seventeen showing a shield-carrier facing a horse rider armed with sword and spear, both perhaps female. These images were found in Denmark, England, Germany, and Poland. Similar images of women with weapons, fashioned from thread or carved in stone, come from Norway, Sweden, and Russia.
A three-dimensional Viking warrior, just over an inch tall, from Harby, Denmark.
The figurine from Harby is the first three-dimensional portrayal to appear. Like the others, she is dismissed as a “valkyrie.” By that the experts mean she is not real.
The Old Norse word valkyrja combines valr, “corpse,” and kjósa, “to choose.” The standard definition comes from Snorri Sturluson. Writing in Iceland between 1220 and 1241, this Christian-educated lawyer, politician, and poet described valkyries as pagan battle-goddesses with shield and sword (or spear) who ferried dead heroes to Valhalla, the otherworldly feast hall of the god Odin, and there served them celebratory cups of mead. Trusting Snorri (who was well known, in his lifetime, for being untrustworthy), modern scholars classify valkyries as “mythological.” They are “firmly supernatural” or, at most, “semi-human.”
Why, when we see the Harby figurine, do we not assume, instead, that it depicts an actual woman—that carrying a sword and shield was “a perfectly ordinary aspect of a woman’s life” in the Viking Age? A 2013 museum exhibition in Copenhagen did suggest that—and sparked a storm of rebuttal. The argument devolved to one point: Said a specialist on women of the Viking Age, “We know that warriors were men.”
How do we know that?
* * *
Norse culture in the Viking Age, I was taught, was divided along strict gender lines. I described it that way myself in my previous books. The woman ruled innan stokks, “inside the threshold,” where she held considerable power, for she was in charge of clothing and food. In lands where winter lasts ten months and the growing season two, the housewife decided who froze and who starved. The larger the household, the more complex her job. Keeping house for a chieftain with eighty retainers, as well as family and servants, she was the CEO of a small business.
But for all that, the man held the “dominant role in all walks of life,” I was taught. His duties began at the threshold of the house and expanded outward. His was the world of public affairs, of “decisions affecting the community at large.” He was the trader, the traveler, the warrior. His symbol was the sword.
The woman’s role, in turn, was symbolized by the keys she carried at her belt.
Except she didn’t.
Our picture of everyday life in the Viking Age is largely drawn from later written sources, from laws, poems, and the long prose Icelandic sagas, all of which survive only in manuscripts from the 1200s or later—more than two hundred years after the people of the North converted to Christianity and their culture radically changed. There are more than 140 Icelandic sagas; only one, recounting a feud from 1242, refers to a housewife’s keys. A Danish marriage law from 1241 says that a bride is given to her husband “for honor and as wife, sharing his bed, for lock and keys, and for right of inheritance of a third of the property.” A bawdy poem, in an Icelandic manuscript dated after 1270, describes the hypermasculine thunder god, Thor, disguised as a bride with a ring of keys at his belt.
These three are the only mentions of housewives with keys I can come up with: two women and a man in drag. They might reflect a pagan truth from before the year 1000. They might equally reflect the values of the medieval Christian world in which they were written. No one can say for sure.
Women with weapons appear in these same texts much more frequently than women with keys: I can name twenty warrior women from sagas and histories, another fifty-three in poems and myths. The earliest Icelandic lawbook (dated 1260 to 1280) considers women with weapons a threat to society—which implies they existed. You don’t write laws to control myths.
Why then did keys become the symbol of Viking womanhood? Because our image of the Viking world took shape in the nineteenth century. Keys reflect the values of Victorian society, when upper-class women were confined to the home and told to concern themselves only with children, church, and kitchen. The iconic Viking housewife with her keys first appeared in a Swedish history book in the 1860s, replacing an earlier historical portrait of Viking women who were strikingly equal to Viking men. The Victorian version of Viking history has been presented ever since as truth—but it is only one interpretation.
Surely archaeology backs up the image of the Viking housewife with her keys, doesn’t it?
It does not.
Keys have been found in some Viking women’s graves. But they are not common, nowhere near as common as the symbol chosen for Viking men, the sword. Against the three thousand swords from Viking Age Norway, a Norwegian archaeologist in 2015 sets only 143 keys, half of which were found in men’s graves. An archaeologist in Denmark in 2011 found that only nine out of 102 female graves she studied contained keys. Calling keys the symbol of a Viking woman’s status, these researchers say, is “an archaeological misinterpretation,” “a mistake,” “a myth”—and a dangerous one.
By accepting the Victorian stereotype of men with swords and women with keys, we legitimize the idea that women should stay at home.
We reduce the role models for every modern girl who visits a museum or reads a history book.
We make it hard to even imagine a Viking warrior woman like the one buried in Birka grave Bj581.
* * *
Viking society was not like Victorian society. It was not like our own. It was a martial society, in which vengeance was praised and war was glorified. An insult to one’s honor—as slight as a nasty poem, as serious as the killing of kinsfolk—was repaid with violence or, at least, by the threat of violence until blood money was paid. Of heroes it’s said they “fled not,” but fought as long as they could hold a weapon. Fearlessness was the highest virtue. Death was met with laughter. The winner in any conflict was the one who wouldn’t give up.
No one is immune to violence in such a society. No one is a noncombatant, no one is safe, inside the threshold or out.
In medieval texts depicting this martial Viking society, women “do battle in the forefront of the most valiant warriors.” “Like a son,” they avenge the killing of their kinsmen. They kill berserks, break shields, kill one king and help another. They say, “As heroes we were widely known—with keen spears we cut blood from bone. Our blades were red.”
These women are called trolls or giants, valkyries, or shield-maids—but not shield-maidens, as in many modern translations. The Old Norse word skjaldmær joins “shield” to “girl,” “daughter,” or “virgin.” Another term for a warrior woman, skjaldkona, “shield-woman,” makes it clear that sexual experience has nothing to do with warrior status. The comparable word for male warriors is drengr, literally “boy” or “lad” (which originally meant one who is “led by a leader”). Drengr is occasionally applied to women, too. The issue is not sex, but status. These warriors are not householders. They have no economic responsibilities. They have no obligations except to their war leader. They are professional fighters.
The warrior women in these texts are portrayed as human, semi-human, or supernatural. But so are their male counterparts: the berserks (or “bear-shirts”), whom iron cannot bite, the half trolls and dragon-slayers, the shape-shifters who turn into wolves. Male or female, many warriors in Icelandic sagas and Old Norse poetry talk to gods (or birds), use magic, have inordinate luck or strength that increases after sunset, are matchless athletes, outlive a normal life span, and serve mead to heroes in Valhalla. Only the females are explained away by modern scholars as fantasy or wish fulfillment. Only the females are considered as fabulous as dragons.
The Victorian stereotype blinds us.
We need to clear our eyes. The sources depicting Viking women with weapons—the Christian-era texts, the images, the ambiguous burials, and stray archaeological finds—are the same sources depicting Viking men. To write about the Viking Age at all means to connect the dots. To make educated guesses. To interpret and to speculate.
Reading itself is a form of interpretation. Words like menn in Old Norse, manna in Old English, and homines in Latin have been casually translated for hundreds of years as “men”—but they also mean “people,” no genders implied. When these menn are warriors, translators have assumed they were all masculine. Yet Old Norse can be gender-specific when it matters. When a warrior using the masculine name Hervard killed a man in a king’s hall, in one saga, the king’s warriors egged one another on to go after him. Then the king spoke up, calling out information they’d apparently missed: “I think he is a kvennmann,” the king said. “I think, moreover, that with the weapon she has, each of you would find it dearly bought to take her life.” As the king’s shift in pronouns reveals, kvennmann means “female person”; kvenn is our word “queen.” Its opposite, karlmann, “male person,” is also used in the sagas—when gender matters.
“Was femaleness any more decisive,” mused one saga scholar as long ago as 1993, “in setting parameters on individual behavior than were wealth, prestige, marital status, or just plain personality and ambition?”
I think it was not.
Mercilessness is not a masculine trait.
* * *
What would the Viking world look like if we revised our assumptions? What would it look like if roles were assigned, not according to Victorian concepts of male versus female, but based on ambition, ability, family ties, and wealth?
In this book, inspired by a warrior woman’s bones, I reread the texts and reexamine the archaeological finds with that question in mind. I use what my research uncovers to re-create the world of one warrior woman in the Viking Age.
I don’t know her name, so I’ve given her one: I call her Hervor. Other famous skeletons have names. There’s Lucy the Australopithecus, named for a Beatles song, and Otzi the Iceman, named for the valley he was found in.
I could have named her Lagertha, after the shield-maid who Saxo Grammaticus, writing his Gesta Danorum (or History of the Danes) in Latin around the year 1200, said “would do battle in the forefront of the most valiant warriors.” But Lagertha has already been brought to life by the actress and martial artist Katheryn Winnick in the History Channel television series Vikings. I could call her Brynhild, Geirvifa, Svava, Mist, Thogn, or Sigrun, the names of valkyries in sagas and poems, names that mean Bright Battle, Spear Wife, Sleep Maker, Fog of War, Silence of Death, or Victory Sign. But I call her Hervor, after the warrior woman in the classic Old Norse poem Hervor’s Song. Her means “battle.” Vör means “aware.” Hervor, then, means Aware of Battle, Warrior Woman.
Who was this Hervor, buried in grave Bj581 outside the Swedish town of Birka sometime between 913 and 980? What might her life have been like? To tell her story, all I have are her bones, but bones can be eloquent. If complete, a skeleton speaks not only of its sex; it whispers of its life and death. Diseases—if they don’t kill quickly—can mark bones, as can repeated motions like rowing or riding or stringing a bow. Injuries and accidents are recorded in bones.
Yet to read cut marks as killing blows—the edges of the wound “sharp and splintery,” not the smooth, rounded traces of earlier, healed injuries—the surface of the bones must be pristine. Bones buried for a thousand-plus years are rarely pristine. Like wood, cloth, leather, food, and other biodegradable objects placed in Viking Age graves, bodies rot—that’s the point of burial, after all, to return to earth. It takes less than twenty-five years (sometimes much less) for a buried body to be reduced to bones. How long those bones last depends on the chemistry of the soil they’re set in.
Hervor’s bones, the bones in grave Bj581, are too degraded for any signs of action, illness, or battle trauma to be seen. Bone preservation at Birka is generally poor. The soil is too acidic. The mineral constituent of the bones simply breaks down into calcium and phosphorus salts that leach away. Microbes and fungi carve fissures and tunnels. The bones break into bits and dissolve into dust.
In many of Birka’s eleven hundred excavated graves, all that remained by the time they were opened in the late 1800s were loose teeth. In Bj581, by contrast, were bones from all parts of Hervor’s body. Compared to her neighbors, she is remarkably well preserved. She is one of the few Birka skeletons to have a complete backbone. She has two ribs, bones from each arm and each leg, part of her pelvis, and her lower jaw. Her bones are characteristically female—as osteologists pointed out at least twice (and were ignored) before the DNA test confirmed her sex.
When she was dug up in 1878, her skull was also recovered; it has since gone missing. Anatomical collections were in fashion in the late 1800s, and archaeologists often lent or traded bones with their friends. Skulls were particularly popular: Their shape was thought to reflect race, intelligence, and even criminal tendencies. Archaeologists still use the shape of the skull to sex a skeleton. Women’s skulls are thought to be smoother and more rounded, while men’s have a more prominent brow ridge and a more muscular jaw, though hormone fluxes can cause older women’s skulls to resemble men’s.
DNA sexing leaves less room for doubt. If DNA can be extracted at all, it can usually be sexed. In Hervor’s case, university researchers from Stockholm and Uppsala extracted DNA from one tooth and one arm bone recovered from grave Bj581. They sequenced the DNA and searched for Y chromosomes, the genetic signal of maleness. Their results fell far to the female end of the spectrum.
The mature appearance of certain bones and the level of wear on her molars say Hervor was at least thirty when she died—she could have been as old as forty. Her bones tell us, too, that Hervor ate well all her life, which means she came from a rich family, if not a royal one. At over five foot seven, she was taller than most people around her: Five foot five was the average man’s height in tenth-century Scandinavia; King Gorm the Old, who ruled Denmark during Hervor’s lifetime, was considered tall at five foot eight.
The chemistry of her teeth tells us Hervor was not a native of Birka, where she was buried, on an island in Lake Malaren a short boat ride from present-day Stockholm. She came from away. As teeth develop, they pick up isotopes of strontium (which mimics calcium) from the local water. The strontium signature of a tooth will thus match that of the bedrock where the child lived when the tooth’s enamel formed. Hervor’s first molars (mineralized before she was three) reveal that she was born somewhere in the western part of the Viking world, in what is now southern Sweden or Norway. Her second molars say she sailed from there, before she was eight, to somewhere else in the west. She did not arrive in Birka until she was over sixteen.
* * *
Where did she travel between her birthplace and her tomb? If all I had were her bones, I could only wonder. But I can also study what was buried with her. She was seated in her grave surrounded by weapons. None of them are overly fancy. None are simply for show. They are sturdy weapons, crafted for killing.
The two-edged sword beside her left hip is an uncommon type, rare in Norway and Sweden, but more often found along the Vikings’ East Way, the trade route through what is now Russia and Ukraine to Byzantium, Baghdad, and beyond.
Birka grave Bj581, as imagined by artist Þórhallur Þráinsson based on archaeologists’ interpretations.
Her long, thin-bladed sax-knife, or scramasax, in its elaborate bronze-and-silver ornamented sheath, is also Eastern, a rare and prestigious weapon—some say a status symbol—inspired by the equipment of the Magyar horse archers who haunted the steppes and harassed the Viking traders along the East Way.
Hervor was an archer, too, and may have shot from horseback. Hers is one of only eighteen graves at Birka—out of the eleven hundred excavated—to contain a horse, and hers are clearly riding horses. One of them was bridled with an iron bit; a second bit was found nearby. A pair of iron stirrups are all that remain of her wood-and-leather saddle. By her side were twenty-five spike-headed, armor-piercing arrows with elegant silver accents. Between the arrows and her scramasax was a bare spot, a gap, the right shape for a bow, which had disintegrated.
It may have been a Magyar bow. Though not preserved in her own grave, the distinctive metal rings and fittings of Magyar bow cases and quivers were recovered from other Birka graves of Hervor’s generation, as well as from the remains of the town’s fortress, which burned down a few years after she was buried and wasn’t rebuilt. Magyar bows, sometimes called horn bows, were composites of wood, sinew, and horn, bent into a reflex shape. Small and handy on horseback, they were equally suited to fighting on shipboard or defending a hillfort like the one that guarded Birka: They shot twice as far as an ordinary wooden bow. At close range they offered the skilled archer greater accuracy, speed, and penetration.
But Hervor was not solely a mounted archer. An archer’s weapon kit consisted of bow, arrows, spear, and shield. Hervor was buried with almost every Viking weapon known: sword, scramasax, arrows and bow, axe, two spears, and two shields. She was buried with more weapons than any other warrior in Birka; more than almost every Viking in the world. Of those Vikings found buried with any weapons at all, 61 percent have one weapon; only 15 percent have three or more.
Hervor’s grave is remarkable not only for its complete weapon set and sacrificed horses. Its location is equally impressive. From the main gate of the hillfort that crowned the island, an avenue led north or south. North, it passed between two groups of elite graves. South, it went to the Warriors’ Hall, where Birka’s garrison lived. Hervor’s grave lay west of the road, beside the hall. It was hard to miss: It was the only grave marked with a tall standing stone. It was also the grave set farthest west, perched to look down over the harbor and town, and out across the waters of Lake Malaren to the royal manor on the neighboring island of Adelso. From Hervor’s grave you could see everyone who came or went, to or from the busy town of Birka. Whoever Hervor was, the warriors of Birka honored her memory. They wanted her near to keep watch.
The prominent location of her grave, her panoply of weapons, the double sacrifice of valuable horses—these mark Hervor as a warrior of high status. A final touch elevates her rank to war leader: the full set of pieces for the board game hnefatafl, or Viking chess, that was placed in her lap. From the Roman Iron Age through the high medieval era, from Iceland to Africa to Japan, the combination of game pieces, weapons, and horses in a grave has indicated a war leader. Game pieces symbolize authority and a “flair for strategic thinking.” They express “the idea that success in warfare is not dependent on physical strength and dexterity alone but also on intelligence and the ability to foresee the actions of one’s opponents,” scholars say. In Viking terms, particularly, they attest to the warrior’s good luck.
Until the bones in Bj581 were determined to be female, no one doubted the warrior in the grave was a war leader. She was buried as a war leader—her gender seems not to have been worth mentioning. Individuality was not highly prized in the Viking Age. What mattered was not your unique and special self but your role in life. If you had the required qualities, physical and mental, you could fill any role; you became that role.
One role Hervor may not have filled is mother. Viking women are often found buried with two large oval or box-shaped metal brooches by their collarbones. These brooches, experts think, clasped the shoulder straps of a wool dress, cut like an apron or pinafore, worn over a low-necked linen shift. It was a practical design that made breastfeeding easy. Hervor did not wear an apron-dress; there are no brooches in her grave.
Based on what little does remain of her clothing, she dressed like the other Birka warriors. They affected an urban style, distinctive to the fortress towns along the East Way; it was a mixture of Viking, Slavic, steppe-nomadic, and Byzantine fashions. Under a classic Viking cloak, clasped with a ring-shaped iron pin at one shoulder, Hervor wore a nomad’s kaftan, a riding coat that wrapped in the front and was closed by a belt or buttons. It might have been made of Byzantine silk; in her grave was a scrap of fabric woven from silk and silver threads. It might have been decorated with mirrored sequins, a scattering of which were also found in her grave.
On her head she wore a close-fitting silk cap with earflaps that could be fastened up with silver buttons. It was topped by a filigreed silver cone that might have stuck up straight like a spike or flopped over like a tassel, depending on the cut of the cap. Only the buttons and cone and a scrap of silk remain of Hervor’s cap, but a silk cap perhaps like it was found in a fabric-rich grave in the Caucasus. An exact match for her cap’s filigreed silver cone was buried with another Birka warrior. A third matching cone was buried with a warrior near Kyiv.
* * *
Who was this valkyrie buried in grave Bj581? What might her life have been like? To tell Hervor’s story, I have to use my imagination. I have to make assumptions. I have to connect the dots.
Her bones say she lived to be thirty or forty. Archaeologists can rarely date their finds within a span of thirty years. Historians have a similar difficulty. The medieval sources are chronologically confused. Most were written down well after the events they record, and the accounts in different texts simply do not sync. Like anyone else studying the Viking Age, I’ll have to approximate. In Hervor’s case, the items in her grave suggest she died around the middle of the tenth century, when Birka was at its height and its connections to the East Way were strongest. The location of her grave implies she was buried after the Warriors’ Hall was built, around 930 or 950, but well before it burned down, between 965 and 985. To tell the best story, I’ll guess she was buried a little after 960 and born around 930.
Where exactly was she born? Science tells me only that she came from southern Sweden or Norway. Looking at the Viking world from a warrior woman’s point of view, I’ve opted for the kingdom of Vestfold, on the west side of the Oslo Fjord. Here, a hundred years before Hervor’s birth, two powerful women were buried in the most lavish Viking grave ever uncovered, the Oseberg ship mound. Here, when Hervor was a child, the great hall guarding the cosmopolitan trading port of Kaupang was destroyed—perhaps by Eirik Bloodaxe and Gunnhild Mother-of-Kings, who conquered Vestfold around that time.
Where would a small girl, born in the town of Kaupang to a rich family, if not royal, end up? Science suggests she went west, possibly to the British Isles—as did Eirik and Gunnhild sometime between 935 and 946, having lost Norway’s throne. From their base in the Orkney Islands, the royal pair meddled in the politics of the main Viking towns in the west, Dublin and York. Ruthless, ambitious, and fiercely intelligent, Gunnhild Mother-of-Kings makes a fine role model for a young valkyrie. Another role model is the Viking chieftain known as the Red Girl, active in the Irish Sea at that time.
When Eirik Bloodaxe was killed in England in 954, Gunnhild sought allies in Denmark. When the Danish king Harald Bluetooth helped put her sons on Norway’s throne in 961, Gunnhild ruled beside them for fourteen years: One medieval historian called it the “Age of Gunnhild.” Long before then, however, Hervor had quit Gunnhild’s court and become a Viking. She was already in Birka, defending the town, if she died there as war leader before the Warriors’ Hall burned down.
Yet, before her death, Hervor traveled on the East Way to Kyiv and back, if Kyiv is where she got the silver cone for her silk cap. If so, she met Queen Olga, who ruled the Vikings, or Rus, in Kyiv from about 945 until 957, when her son, Sviatoslav, came of age. In 971 Sviatoslav took the Rus south to challenge Byzantium, a raid that ended in disaster on a Bulgarian battlefield, where the Byzantine victors found warrior women among the Viking dead. Hervor was not among them; she had already been buried in Birka.
Besides this conjectural outline of Hervor’s life, what links Dublin and York to Kaupang, Birka, and Kyiv? The Viking slave trade, through which young men and women were exchanged for Byzantine silk and Arab silver. The Viking slave route passed the Danish island of Samsey, where perhaps Hervor stopped to plunder her father’s grave and retrieve his sword, as did her namesake in the poem Hervor’s Song. Let’s begin by imagining her there.
Copyright © 2021 by Nancy Marie Brown.
