1
The Last Man
On the mild evening of one of the longest days of 1776, a brigadier general of the rebel army strode the bank of the Richelieu River. He barked orders and urged on the beleaguered troops. A soldier, his face a macabre mask of pustules, stumbled toward the broken wharfs of St. Johns, Quebec. Fever had lofted his mind to nightmare. He peered through crusted lids at the coins of light winking from the surface of the river. His companion, who remembered his own bout with the pox, helped him climb over the gunwale of a flat-bottomed rowboat, where he joined twenty other men resting on thwarts or slumped between them.
The riverside smelled of desolation, of woodsmoke and smoldering pitch and animal carcasses. Gnats stitched the air. Soldiers swatted clouds of blood-hungry mosquitoes. The men imagined the distant tramp of boots, British infantrymen in scarlet coats, armed grenadiers hurrying forward to kill them. A few civilians clutching paltry treasures boarded boats bound for the unknown.
The army’s commander, thirty-six-year-old New Hampshire lawyer John Sullivan, had already departed upstream to supervise the procession of vessels that were ferrying back and forth to withdraw his beaten men. Two weeks earlier in distant Philadelphia, Richard Henry Lee had proposed to Congress that the colonies declare themselves independent states. His words made the hearts of patriots leap, but the men of the northern army knew only fear and defeat.
The few remaining American soldiers ranged through the demolished settlement with flaming brands, anointing anything that would burn. The patriots, who had lately dreamed of adding Canada to the thirteen colonies, now only prayed they could return to their own country alive.
* * *
St. Johns lay twenty-five miles north of the border of what was still known as the United Colonies. The town center was dominated by a small bastion, a stone barracks and magazine surrounded by two redoubts of earth and logs. A fetid ditch and a maze of trenches completed the fortification. The village’s few dwellings, shops, and warehouses had been burned, its bridges and mills smashed.
Frenchmen had erected Fort St. Jean more than a generation earlier to guard the waterway that led into Canada from the British colonies to the south. The now blasted settlement lay on a stretch of fertile farm fields and wetlands at the top of a series of rapids. The Richelieu flowed northward out of Lake Champlain and down to the St. Lawrence River.
The general directing the retreat at St. Johns was Benedict Arnold, an early hero of the year-old conflict. His leaden jaw, meaty confidence, and agate eyes gave him the aspect of a professional pugilist. Although he walked with a limp, he did not carry himself like a defeated man.
The landscape was familiar to him—not that long ago he had traded here regularly. He had wrangled herds of shaggy Canadian steeds onto ships, selling them for a profit in the West Indies. British lords dismissed him as a “horse jockey.” How the devil could such a plebeian, they muttered, have the gall to …
Fourteen months, a lifetime, had passed since Arnold left his business in the care of his sister and rushed off to join the wild patriotic response that greeted the violence at Lexington and Concord. The previous autumn, he had led a band of American soldiers over the Maine mountains to attack Quebec City, gaining a reputation as one of the most audacious of the patriot officers, America’s Hannibal. Now he was overseeing the last days of that spent venture.
* * *
Every war starts with enthusiasm, followed by a sober recognition of the reality, the cost, and the horror. In Canada, Benedict Arnold had seen men die and had suffered a serious wound to his left leg. He had endured an extraordinarily brutal winter, with drifts of snow creeping toward the top of Quebec’s high walls. He had watched smallpox scythe whole companies, had described his men as “neglected by Congress below; pinched with every want here.”
In early May 1776, while Arnold was still recuperating from his injury in Montreal, the first of ten thousand British redcoats had landed at Quebec. Their appearance sparked a disgraceful rout. Fleeing Americans abandoned sick comrades, looted supplies, and ran away “in the most helter skelter manner,” leaving behind muskets, ammunition, even clothes.
An orderly retreat in the face of the enemy is one of the most difficult of military maneuvers, and in a prolonged contest, one of the most essential. Arnold had looked on in dismay as the shattered and demoralized American army arrived at Sorel, where the Richelieu joined the St. Lawrence. He vowed to do everything possible to “keep possession of this country, which has cost us so much blood and expense.”
In a last-ditch effort to stem the retreat, General Sullivan had boldly sent his men down the St. Lawrence to attack a superior enemy force at Three Rivers. Appointed for his connections rather than his competence, Sullivan had little military experience to draw on. The American attackers were hurled back, losing three hundred men in the process. The disaster made Sullivan conclude that he commanded “a dispirited Army, filled with horror at the thought of seeing their enemy.”
Five days later, on June 13, Arnold wrote to Sullivan, advising him to get out of Canada while he still had an army to lead. “The junction of the Canadians with the colonies, an object which brought us into this country is now at an end.” His advice, he insisted, was not motivated by fear for his personal safety: “I am content to be the last man who quits this country, and fall, so that my country rise. But let us not fall together.”
Events had forced the truth of his words on Sullivan. The British forces, led by Canada’s able governor and military leader, General Guy Carleton, soon arrived by ship at Sorel. Sullivan scrambled south to Chambly, a fortified town fifty miles farther south along the Richelieu at the bottom of the rapids. There his men burned gunboats and an army barracks to prevent their use by the enemy, “leaving nothing but ruin behind.”
A rumor of approaching redcoats set off a panic that, Sullivan reported, “had the effect of sending great Numbers of officers and Soldiers upon the run.” Those who remained struggled to haul boats loaded with arms and supplies up the long rapids. Wading through the icy water, they manned poles and ropes to drag the vessels against the sharp spring current.
A chaplain who accompanied the troops observed: “Our days are days of darkness.”
* * *
From his headquarters in Montreal, Arnold sent an aide, nineteen-year-old James Wilkinson, to deliver a message to Sullivan at St. Johns, twenty-five miles to the east. Encountering instead a force of British troops, the young man rushed back to raise the alarm. Arnold immediately mustered Montreal’s three-hundred-man garrison. That night he ferried them across the St. Lawrence in a driving rain. “Had not the wind failed,” Carleton wrote to Lord Germain, King George’s secretary of state for the colonies, “this column might have arrived at Longueuil [on the southern bank of the St. Lawrence] the same night, and about the same time with Mr. Arnold and the remainder of the Rebels.”
The Americans rounded up carts and Arnold led his men to St. Johns, destroying bridges and felling trees in their wake. Two days later, on June 17, Sullivan called a council of war. His officers, led by Arnold, urged him to fall back.
Ever on the lookout for his own honor, Sullivan decided to move his remaining men only to Île aux Noix, an island in the river about halfway to the American border. He insisted he would remain in Canada pending a direct order from his superior, Major General Philip Schuyler. That Noix was a soggy, mosquito-infested trap did not deter him.
Soldiers rowed bateaux back and forth along the river that day and the next. They hauled out tons of supplies, including the disassembled frames of several small war vessels that American boatbuilders had been constructing along the wharfs. By June 18 only a few men remained at St. Johns, including Arnold, Wilkinson, and forty-four-year-old Jeduthan Baldwin, a Massachusetts farmer and carpenter who had joined the rebels as a military engineer and was just getting over an attack of smallpox.
An umber sun was sinking into the thick air of the midsummer evening. All suspected that the British had already reached Chambly, twelve miles downstream. They waited nervously for the order to push off.
Benedict Arnold had an exceptional ability to envision the narrow and wider pictures simultaneously. He recognized the immediate problem in Canada, but he saw as well the larger situation on the continent. Once the British drove the Americans from the northern province, they would have easy access to Lake Champlain. Only a depleted American garrison up the lake at Fort Ticonderoga, together with a few armed sailing vessels, would stand in their way. If they broke through, they could continue down Lake George and make a quick march to the Hudson River, opening the way to Albany. From there they could continue south, threatening George Washington’s army in New York City. A right turn could take redcoats up the Mohawk Valley, already rife with loyalists and Indians potentially hostile to the patriot cause. Veering to the left, they could strike through the undefended heart of New England, crashing on toward Boston, which they had abandoned in March. They had to be stopped before these possibilities became dire threats.
In the thirteen colonies, men were wrestling with the structure of a new order. “The important day is come, or near at hand,” an anonymous screed declared, “that America is to assume a form of government for herself.” The writer insisted that “there must never be any power like a Kingly power” in the country they were forming. The kingly power of Britain, it was now clear, would do its utmost to prevent the nation from being born.
For the moment, as dusk descended, the immediate danger had to be addressed—saving the men of the northern army, securing supplies, destroying everything that the enemy could put to use. With a creak of leather, the general swung onto his horse. Followed by Wilkinson, he headed north to survey the scene. It was a gesture of defiance characteristic of Arnold.
The men rode only a couple of miles before spotting in the distance the bright red splotches of enemy uniforms. Arnold sat on his horse for a moment, watching and evaluating. He was well known to the British. The soldiers recognized him and began to run forward. Finally he and Wilkinson yanked their horses’ heads and spurred back toward St. Johns.
“I am sorry you did not get Arnold,” Germain would write in reply to Carleton, “for of all the Americans, he is the most enterprising and dangerous.”
Baldwin, a man not impressed by bravado, paced the wharf beside the last serviceable boat left in the region. The two riders soon appeared from up the rutted road, their horses blowing as they clattered to a halt beside the river landing. The sky was silently exhaling the last of its light.
Arnold climbed down, removed his saddle, and heaved it into the boat. Wilkinson did the same. The general pulled out his flintlock pistol. While the others watched, this man who knew and loved horses put the gun’s muzzle to the head of his mount and pulled the trigger. A muffled blast; the animal’s legs buckled. It collapsed to the ground, gushing blood. A reluctant Wilkinson obeyed the order to dispatch his horse in the same way. Nothing would be left for the enemy. Nothing.
The men climbed into the boat. With the British soldiers approaching in the distance, Arnold shoved the vessel away from the wharf and leapt in, fulfilling his offer to be the “last man” to quit the country. The invasion of Canada was at an end. The danger to the American cause was just beginning.
2
Superiority on the Lakes
“Was struck with amazement upon my arrival,” army doctor Lewis Beebe wrote from Île aux Noix, “to see the vast crowds of poor distressed Creatures … Language cannot describe nor imagination paint, the scenes of misery and distress the Soldiery endure.”
An hour and a half after leaving his horse dead on the riverbank at St. Johns, Benedict Arnold arrived at Noix, the Island of Nuts, to find a hellhole. In the twilight he could see the masses of the sick, infected, Beebe wrote, “with fluxes, fevers, Small Pox and over run with legions of lice.” Stretched out in barns, lacking blankets, maggots writhing on their bodies, the men were “calling for relief, but in vain.” The devout Dr. Beebe commented, “God seems to be greatly angry with us.”
General Sullivan was anxious to alert General Schuyler to the vexing situation and to deflect blame for the Canadian debacle from himself. He chose to send Arnold and his aide Wilkinson to Fort Ticonderoga in order to confer with the commander of the Northern Department.
As he was rowed southward the next day, Arnold looked out on the great forests that extended beyond sight. The birch and maple and beech trees were bursting with their summer leaves. The dark stands of hemlock and spruce stood sentinel in the high clefts of rocks. Only widely spaced shorefront farms disturbed nature’s ancient face. The remoteness of the wilderness and pioneers’ lingering fear of Indian raids discouraged settlement. In addition, both New Hampshire and New York claimed the territory between Lake Champlain and the Connecticut River to the east, land that would become the state of Vermont. The validity of property titles there was uncertain.
The fresh water glistened in the sun. To the west, the foothills of the towering Adirondacks nearly abutted the shore along much of the lake’s length. The eastern bank rose more gradually onto a flat plain, beyond which the Green Mountains seemed to float in the blue distance.
Lake Champlain was a ragged carrot-shaped body of water that narrowed to a taproot at its southern end. Its basin had been scoured by glaciers that, it would later be known, had last retreated thirteen thousand years earlier. The melting of the ice dam in the St. Lawrence Valley had allowed seawater to pour in from the north and had for a time turned Champlain into an arm of the ocean. Arnold’s boat floated over the skeletons of beluga whales buried in the sediment below.
For eons, the lake had drained south. With the glaciers gone, the unburdened land rebounded and left the valley tipped to the north. The flow of water reversed, seeping down the Richelieu into the St. Lawrence to reach the Atlantic. The south end of the lake, barely wider than a river, now ended in a swampy expanse near Skenesborough, New York, almost 120 miles south of the Canadian border. Because of the direction of flow, “up the lake” meant toward the south, a designation that ran counter to intuition and created confusion then as it does now.
* * *
The lake held many memories for Arnold. During the French and Indian War, the future general, then a sixteen-year-old apothecary apprentice, had tramped north in response to a 1757 attack at Fort William Henry on Lake George. The young man, proud to serve his king, demonstrated his endurance by marching for a week with a militia contingent from his hometown of Norwich, Connecticut. But the threat was over by the time they arrived, and he returned without seeing action.
As a boy in Norwich, Benedict Arnold occasionally performed a favorite stunt. A large gristmill in town featured an undershot waterwheel. Arnold entertained his friends and horrified onlookers by leaping onto the top of the wheel and “holding on as it made its revolutions,” riding it downward into the sluice, knowing if he lost his grip he would die. The water gushing through the race would try to pull him away, but he held his breath and did not let go. He burst into the air still gripping the wheel. His taste for adventure and risk-taking would remain a lifelong trait.
Eighteen years after his brief military experience, having built his own apothecary business into an international trading firm and moved to New Haven, Arnold had again taken up martial affairs. Amid the revolutionary turmoil, he helped to found a militia unit chartered as the Governor’s 2nd Company of Foot Guards. On April 21, 1775, news of the clash of patriots with the king’s troops at Lexington and Concord electrified the town’s population. Arnold, dressed in a fancy military uniform, whipped up the passion of his men, who voted to hurry to the scene of the violence. He recruited a few Yale students eager to join the action.
Arnold had little formal training in war. His facility came from a mind tuned to the right key, poised between reality and imagination, agile, decisive, and able to grasp the dynamics of events in motion.
The people of New Haven cheered—the town fathers hesitated. They wanted to know more about what had happened outside Boston before supporting a rising against the established order. They denied the Foot Guards access to gunpowder.
A standoff developed. Amid shouting and finger-pointing, Arnold declared: “None but Almighty God shall prevent my marching!” He threatened to break into the powder magazine and remove the ammunition by force. Town officials gave way to what came to be known as the rage militaire, the popular passion that swept the colonies during the early months of the Revolution. Arnold and his armed men marched to Cambridge.
It was a decisive moment in Benedict Arnold’s life. Always ambitious, he had been shrewd enough to weather the long recession and political turmoil that had crimped commerce in the years after the French and Indian conflict. He had braved the hazards intrinsic to sea trading and had made his fortune by hard work, smart dealing, and not a little smuggling. By 1775, he owned ships, wharfs, warehouses, and a New Haven mansion.
Thirty-four years old, with three young sons and a wife he loved, he did not need to assume the risk of rebellion. When he had opened his original apothecary shop he adopted the motto Sibi totique, “For himself and for all.” In his early life, he had acted very much for himself. When the rebellion broke out, his passions ignited. He was caught up in the larger cause. Few could claim a greater impulse toward patriotism or a more fiery resolve to gamble all to break the colonies’ bondage to Britain.
Copyright © 2021 by Jack Kelly